SELECTIVE PROBING OF OIL SECTOR AND MINISTERS WILL BOIL NIGERIA....DOKUBO

 A probe of the oil ministry by the in-coming administration may not be erroneous in a country where executive fraud derails every element of the operational culture, but activists are worried about their selective and repressive approach. 

 The basic issues A prevalent vindictive approach already taken by the in-coming regime of the All Progressive Congress, led by President-elect, Muhamadu Buhari over petroleum issues has permeated the delta region with bitterness and anger. The worsening tension over continued threats on the incumbent petroleum minister, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke has been seen by various groups of the Delta as a retaliatory push by the incoming administration against a minority – their indigene – who stood up to the cartels who had always monopolized the petroleum sector.
                                                                
Both the APC and Buhari had touted their probe and overhaul of the Petroleum Ministry but the target, it was gathered, was to discipline the minister who had defiantly punctuated the status quo. The offensive against Alison-Madueke started with a media campaign orchestrated by some APC lawmakers through their media to set the minister up for humiliation and prosecution. An internet news blogger, Premium Times started with a fictitious story that minister had left the country to seek asylum, attributing her to a plethora of corruption allegations, including an alleged missing $20 billion oil money. Another report claimed she had secured the help of a former Head of State and chairman of the 2015 General elections Peace Committee, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar to plead with the president-elect Buhari to stop a possible probe of her embezzlement.

But Alison-Madueke did not back off from the growing intimidation.  She quickly responded by suing the Premium Times and 10 other individuals and organizations, obtaining an injunction, and restraining her bullies from “publishing or causing to be published any further defamatory statements in respect of “$20billion, $49billion or any other figure allegedly missing or unaccounted for.

NNPC, under Alison-Madueke, had been rated the most transparent since its inception, accrediting the minister with improving the sector with system of corporate governance in accordance with global best practice. Yet, the gutter campaign persisted with another sponsored report, accusing the minister of lavishing public funds on rented jets and wasted trips. The minister, however, decried the tendency by some Nigerians to bring her down, pointing out that the lease of jets to run the highly technical and competitive oil industry is a common practice around the globe, since it is more cost-effective than buying.   
          
But a continued hunt to victimize Alison-Madueke may backfire, International Guardian had gathered. Niger Delta activists and community leaders have seen the approach as a direct attack against their long-fought demand for equity in Nigeria’s economic and political supervision. The first defensive punch was in fact thrown by  Hajia Mujahidat Daba Dokubo-Asari, the wife of  Alhaji Mujahid Asari-Dokubo, a former president of the Ijaw Youth Council and leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Salvation Front. Hajia Mujahidat denounced Buhari’s threats and described the president-elect as a very vindictive man who would waste his tenure as president to fight his perceived enemies.

Controversy surrounding the petroleum sector may have been also worsened by unending war between the North and Nigeria’s Delta region over the control and allotment of the oil resources. Alison-Madueke is from Port Harcourt, Rivers State – a predominantly oil region. Activists in the area are reportedly preparing for the worst over what is currently perceived as a plan to further alienate them form the decision-making process over matters of governance.

International Guardian investigations reveal that a similar Delta-crisis that derailed Nigeria’s economic progress in the past few years are beginning to build up.  For instance, late last month, Asari-Dokubo warned the president-elect, Buhari against an alleged vindictive imprisonment of former executive servants. According to the ex-freedom fighter, if the incoming president ventures into sending anyone to prison, the ‘Moses’ in him will rise and the whole nation will boil.

In a fierce response to a call for his arrest over these comments, the wife fired another shot, vowing that Nigeria will boil if anybody arrests her husband. Hajia Dokubo-Asari had a different view of Buhari’s possible executive excesses toward his foes. There is nothing wrong with probing public officers or entities, but according her, “the probing must be all round not selective.”

There may be other reasons why most opposition politician may want Alison-Maduekes head. In a primarily chauvinistic political environment, Alison-Madueke remains the first and only woman to hold the position of Minister of Petroleum Resources in Nigeria, and in October 2010, she became the first woman to head a country delegation at the annual OPEC conference. On the 27th of November, 2014 she got elected as the first female President of OPEC. Since her assuming office April 6, 2010 as the minister, Alison-Madueke had led a pragmatic reformation of the sector with a pledge to transform Nigeria's oil and gas industry so that all Nigerians benefit. To live up to this expectation, she collaborated with the presidency to facilitate the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB). On April, 22nd 2010, President Jonathan signed the Nigerian Content Act into law.

NCDMB swooped into action increasing indigenous participation in the oil and gas industry to enable amplified local capacity and competencies. This affirmative development impacted other sectors of the national economy and boosted other industries to impel Nigeria’s National Gross Domestic Product. In 2014-2015, the Federal Government through the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) awarded 60 % crude oil lifting contracts worth approximately $40 billion  to Nigerian companies. According Alison-Madueke, the decision to award the 60% majorly to indigenous oil and gas companies, was part of federal government’s larger objective to encourage effective local participation in operations within Nigeria’s oil division.

In its evaluation, International Guardian’s Editorial Board headed by energy guru, Joe Nwokedi revealed that the current regime of  Alison-Madueke remains the most transparent and progressive in the history of Nigeria’s oil industry. The agency prior to this period, the Nigeria’s oil division has been an embodiment of executive excesses and fraud. For example, in his presidency, from 1999 to 2007, Olusegun Obasanjo transferred the petroleum ministry directly under his supervision, and ran it like a grocery store. He practically assumed the minister, auditor, and projects manager failing to have his management of oil revenue audited till this very day. For eight years, Obasanjo did not build a single refinery to ensure a total reduction in the costs of petroleum products.

During Obasanjo’s handle of petroleum ministry, bribery and corruption of the sector went global and defaced Nigeria’s image on issues of ethics and fiscal responsibility. It may be recalled that the United States government at the time slammed a punitive fine of $236  million on six foreign companies for offering heavy bribes to Nigerian government  officials during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency.

The bribes were paid between 2002 and 2007 by Shell, a giant global oil  producing company;  Panalpina, the Swiss-based freight forwarding company; Transocean, an oil drilling company, and three other oil service companies. Panalpina paid the heaviest penalty—$81.5 million, Shell paid $48.1, whereas Transocean paid $20.6 million.

The president elect, Mr. Buhari was also not exonerated with issues of petroleum management abuses and fraud. His claims of modesty has been haunted by his past negative records of public accountability. For instance, as the chairman p of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) between 1998-99, Buhari failed to account for a missing 2.5 billion naira, confiscating all related documents and  obstructing all investigative channels. Also, as the Minister of Petroleum in 1976-78, the sum of US$2.8 billion disappeared from the Midland Bank, London account of the Nigerian National Petroleum Cooperation, (NNPC). Buhari’s refusal to corporate with investigators, and again, confiscation of related documents jeopardized any attempt to probe him.

A probe of the oil ministry by the in-coming administration may not be erroneous in a country where executive fraud derails every element of the operational culture, but activists are worried about their selective and repressive approach. As Hajia Dokubo-Asari noted, “the probing must be all round not selective.” Rights activists are also worried about the approach already adopted by Buhari and some party members, accusing them of political repression. With the recent media campaign against the incumbent minister, Alison-Madueke, and threats of oppression directed at her in monetary matters still under investigation, the government might already be building fierce opposition among the Delta indigenes who are now voicing out their eagerness to confront the worst.

■   According to the ex-freedom fighter, if the incoming president ventures into sending anyone to prison, the ‘Moses’ in him will rise and the whole nation will boil. In a fierce response to a call for his arrest over these comments, the wife fired another shot, vowing that Nigeria will boil if anybody arrests her husband. 

 

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